There is still hope uls. If you and I start convincing our friends and relatives to voice out our concerns, then maybe this government will listen and end the vendictiveness and start working for a better economy. Then perhaps when the dollar reserves and inflation have stabilized, you and I can sit down and share a pitcher of ice-cold beer and discuss on where to invest our hard-earned money.
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Share ko lang to post ni Emman Hizon,
ARROYO'S RISE COULD REBRAND DUTERTE'S STRONGMAN RULE
When former president and now Pampanga Second District Representative Gloria Macapagal Arroyo stood triumphantly at the podium to take her oath as the new Speaker of the House of Representatives, after pummeling former House Speaker and Davao del Norte Representative Pantaleon Alvarez to a humiliating defeat, the longest-serving Philippine president projected an image of strength, ruthlessness, determination and cunning. Using President Rodrigo Duterte's own State of the Nation Address (SONA) as her platform, and in full view of the nation and the international community, Arroyo reminded us all that she is a force to reckon with.
It was political showmanship par excellence. In the one-hour chaos that preluded the SONA, the dwindling allies of the usually tough-talking Alvarez grasped at power only through desperate antics - adjourning the session prematurely, hiding the House Mace (one of the institution's most important symbols), and switching off the microphones. Alvarez's boss, the strongman Duterte, could only whimper a threat to walk out of his own presidential address in response. Arroyo was in full control. Politically astute. Ready to lead. Competent. Determined.
At a time when Duterte's popularity and political brand are increasingly challenged by gross incompetence, dwindling business confidence, lackluster accomplishments, a crippling absence of vision, and a brewing church revolt, having Arroyo at the helm of the larger chamber of the legislature surely helps in rebranding Dutertismo.
Political communicators call this the borrowed brand association. There are two ways to create a powerful political brand: One, build it. Two, borrow it. Association is a powerful tool. By borrowing Arroyo's positive brand association, Duterte can reenergize his political brand. From the perception that the Duterte government is simply a bumbling, murderous and tyrannical regime, the image of a competent, efficient, and corporatist quasi-dictatorship can emerge.
First, Arroyo brings the veneer of competence to the Duterte government. An economist by training, she gets credit for shoring up the country's economy during her term. This will certainly help in assuaging the anxiety and fears of the business community and bring stability to Duterte's wobbling governance.
Second, Arroyo is a coalition-builder. If there was one thing that the former President demonstrated in the Congress leadership battle, it was her skill as a shrewd political operator. Contrary to Alvarez's divisive, strong-arm politics, Arroyo knows all too well the strategic benefits of nurturing political relationships based on patronage politics.
Arroyo will also prove useful in dealing with the Catholic church, which recently has become more vocal in its criticisms of the Duterte government. Lest we forget, Arroyo has a good relationship with the church, having successfully championed the abolition of the death penalty under her term; she is also infamous for the "Mitsubishops scandal" and her special treatment of certain church leaders. In fact, Alvarez removed Arroyo as Deputy Speaker after voting against the death penalty bill.
Third, Arroyo has vision, something which the Duterte government severely lacks. During her term as president, Arroyo outlined her vision for the country, that of "building a strong republic", which was both a criticism of the weak Philippine State and the offering of an alternative. Arroyo envisioned a State that was independent from sectoral and class interests, which bears an eerie similarity to fascism's maxim "the State is above all". This was rightfully exposed and opposed as an attempt to create a police state with Arroyo's penchant for exercising executive powers to quell political dissent. Are we going to see a mash up of Dutertismo and Arroyo's Strong Republic soon?
Fourth, Arroyo is a survivor. She knows how to handle double-digit negative approval and trust ratings, quell military and citizen revolts, survive left and right scandals and thrive even when hounded by a deep and prolonged political crisis. Arroyo brings a wealth of experience in crisis management and crisis communications.
However, like any attempt to borrow brand associations, you take the good with the bad. Duterte cannot escape Arroyo's legacy of corruption and electoral fraud. In the case of the latter, the poor, particularly the Class D voters, will easily recall Arroyo's phone conversation with a Comelec official urging him to favor her over the people's champion, the late Fernando Poe, Jr.
Duterte's association with Arroyo could also reopen wounds within segments of the military. The "Hello Garci" scandal should serve as a reminder on how military officers and politicians allegedly colluded to commit election fraud.
The opposition should strike hard and without relent at these weak spots. It must highlight the negative brand association that comes with closing ranks with Arroyo. If Arroyo cheated in the 2004 polls, Duterte may very well cheat in the 2019 elections, or worse, postpone it. If Arroyo was accused of corrupt dealings with the Chinese, what stops Duterte from doing the same? Arroyo is corrupt, so Duterte would also be corrupt. Duterte himself said that he would not be bothered if his public satisfaction rating go down as long as it has nothing to do corruption, a silent admission that corruption charges could significantly reduce his popularity.
The opposition must develop a compelling political narrative to counter the allure of a strongman rule. Duterte rose to power because many Filipinos have become cynical of democracy, and they have seen conventional politicians shirk from hard decisions and bold solutions to social problems.
The opposition must prove that they, too, are different from conventional politicians and that a democratic government can indeed work.
It must tell the story of democracy from a new perspective, that decisive action and strong political leadership against corruption, poverty and underdevelopment are best achieved in a democracy, and that to defend democracy is not a sign of weakness but of courage and hope.
It is time for the opposition to stop playing the safe, conventional politics that people are tired of. They must cease from acting like a traditional opposition run by overly cautious traditional politicians. The opposition must start taking real risks and inviting conflicts. It's time to be bold and daring.
Nobody likes to be associated with weaklings and pushovers. There is a fine line that differentiates the underdog from the pushover. The underdog fights, bites and claws at its enemies even when faced by overwhelming odds. A pushover simply cowers in fear. Filipinos love the underdog and despise the coward. I'm sure more than a few were impressed with how Arroyo exercised leadership and took command of Congress, no matter how shambolic and ruthless it was. It wasn't just a spectacle, It was the deft application of showmanship and power. The opposition can learn a thing or two from that theater.
add ko lang
if you follow things closely makikita mo naman hindi lahat ng nangyayari sa PH economy ay may kinalaman ang admin
ung pag taas ng presyo ng crude oil
ung pag lakas ng dollar (coz of rising US interest rates attracting dollar back to the US)
out of the government's control naman mga factors na yan
ang concern ko is govt spending = more debt = higher taxes to pay debt / maintain credit rating
hindi naman kailangan ng stimulus spending ang PH economy coz malakas naman na
Last edited by uls; August 6th, 2018 at 03:26 PM.
I still don't get you.
You are obviously saying now that you are wary of Psycho because of his populist stand.
That he could sink us all.
But if Mar won, you'd have none of that.
That you'd rather have Psycho than Mar, even if Mar would have captained a steadier ship?
Do you have suicidal tendencies?
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society needs some rebalancing once in a while
you can't always have things going great for only one group of people all the time
Last edited by uls; August 6th, 2018 at 04:21 PM.
Thats the danger posed by a leader like duterte
Too much spending results in deficit which will be covered by borrowing money which entails interest
So managing the coffer is a good trait of the previous admin
Buti naman at nahimasmasan ka na
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Re-balancing is good.... if moves things forward, but not backward.
In some way, thsi iw why I think GMA is still better than PDuts, at least during her term the country improved a bit. We are now in a political quagmire that seems to pull the country lower into a more problematic situation. There is distrust na kasi with GMA and her speakership.
Last edited by Ry_Tower; August 6th, 2018 at 06:03 PM.
An open letter in reply to statements of former President Benigno Aquino III - Allan Peter Cayetano
Mr. President Aquino,
Good Day, Sir. It's regrettable that you chose to play with words, including comparing our haircuts, in responding to an immensely important issue and addressing people's main questions about the situation at the WPS.
While we both lost some of our hair, your administration lost control of Scarborough and a great opportunity to expand tourism, infrastructure and agriculture. We also lost many opportunities for cooperation in fields like science and technology, protection of the environment, among others, all because of the approach you, together with former Sec. Del Rosario and Senator Trillanes, chose to adopt and implement.
Rather than debate which administration is more transparent and/or mislead people on many facets of this complicated situation, may I respectfully request that you answer the questions on people’s minds and help enrich public discussion on the issue.
1. How did we lose control of Scarborough Shoal in 2012 during your watch?
2. Who made the decision to end the stand-off by ordering Philippine ships to leave, and on who’s advice?
3. Who was in command of the situation? Was it you, or Sec. Del Rosario or Sen. Trillanes?
4. Why didn't you order the Philippine ships to return to the area when the Chinese ships did not leave as expected?
5. What exactly was Sen. Trillanes role and mandate? He made 16 trips to China as your emissary. Where are the reports and what were the agreements reached?
6. Who did Sen. Trillanes negotiate with in the back channel talks? Who else did you authorize for this mission?
7. Sen. Trillanes had refused to reveal the purpose and nature of his trips when asked during a senate session by then Sen. Enrile. Instead he walked out and invoked presidential prerogative so he would not be compelled to respond. Since then, nothing has been heard of his secret trips. Why? How can you say it was transparent when the Embassy report was about only on one meeting?
8. We note that there seems to be a denial all around of any negotiated joint withdrawal of both Chinese and Philippine vessels from the shoal. Was there an agreement? Brokered by who?
9. What was the US commitment on the WPS issue, if any? And how was this relayed to you or was this discussed with you directly when you sat down with President Obama at one point in time?
10. What did you discuss with President Obama? He reportedly affirmed to Japan that the mutual defense treaty will be put into action if the Senkaku islands are threatened. Did Mr. Obama tell you that the US does not get involved with territorial disputes like in the WPS? How did you respond to that?
11. What are your plans or proposals for oil and gas exploration in the WPS? Do you agree that oil and gas exploration and development will be very beneficial to all Filipinos?
Our people await your response to these questions in earnest, to be fully informed finally of the background of our complicated situation. Your response will help us decide on how to proceed further in shaping our policy with China.
If, indeed, transparency is important to you as you claim, then consider your early response to these questions as crucial.
Thank you, Sir. We will be awaiting your reply.
P.S. You often reminded our people that we need solutions and not just plain criticism. You are right about it. May we have your alternatives or proposals instead of merely criticizing the government today? Thank you.
So how long have things been going great for you, sir? You're afraid re-balancing may occur in your life tomorrow? That's why you've been monitoring all these economic indicators for the past 10 years -- to pre-empt this inevitable(?) re-balancing? A re-balancing that may make you 1-peso poorer soon?
Just connecting the dots. Apologies in advance for the frank words. No offense meant.
you didn't seem to get what i meant by society rebalancing
maybe i used the wrong word
when there's too little or too much freedom, society will eventually correct itself
it's a cycle
marcos era (too little freedom)---> 3 decades of democracy (too much freedom) ---> strongman nostalgia
the rise of a strongman was inevitable after so many years of freedom
if it wasn't du30, it could have been someone else
this strongman-democracy-strongman cycle is what i meant by society rebalancing itself
i think nasabi ko na concern ko re du30 the populist
mahilig mamigay ng free stuff and subsidies ang mga populist
free college, free healthcare, fuel subsidies, raising wages, raising pension etc
pero hindi kino-consider ng mga poplulist saan manggagaling ang pera
basta yan ang gusto nila, it's up to the ministers to figure out where to get funding
so you watch what they do and how it affects the economy
like you watch bond yields
bond yields will tell you "hey you're beginning to look risky i demand higher interest on my capital"
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Last edited by uls; August 7th, 2018 at 12:25 PM.