Will You Vote Manny Villar for President?

[ghosthunter]

I will vote Manny Villar to be the president dahil nakikita ko sa kaniya na may gusto siyang gawin na pagbabago sa ating bansa.

Troll Alert...

The Villar camp must be desperate to dig down to trolling discussion forums.

Troll banned.

[Lucius]

Troll Alert...

The Villar camp must be desperate to dig down to trolling discussion forums.

Troll banned.

Dun sa Abnoy thread meron din. Namimilit na iboto ang abno...

[rmb]

1.Im for Villar achiever, a leader,(being house speaker and senate president)a good family man and his competence.

2. Gibo

3. Gordon

[gpufrancisco]

I will vote Manny Villar to be the president dahil nakikita ko sa kaniya na may gusto siyang gawin na pagbabago sa ating bansa.

Are you under his payroll?

I'll never vote for Villar! Kawawa naman ang magiging anak at apo ko (nating lahat!) kung manalo yan.

[aejhayl17]

where's manny villiar now? how is he doing after the elections?

[tidus1203]

He will be back in the Senate once the new Senate resumes and word is he has a huge fighting chance to become Senate President...

[xtremerider]

where's manny villiar now? how is he doing after the elections?

Nagpapa recondisyon...dahil sa tension at perang naubos nya!

[donbuggy]

http://opinion.inquirer.net/inquirer...r-bubble-burst

[SIZE=3]How the Villar bubble burst [/SIZE]

By Amando Doronila
Philippine Daily Inquirer
First Posted 00:47:00 06/09/2010

ONE OF THE MIND-BOGGLING RESULTS OF the May election was the runner-up finish of former President Joseph Estrada, who polled 9,487,837 votes, behind Sen. Benigno Aquino III’s 15,208,678, which gave the latter an unassailable margin of roughly 5.7 million votes.

The final official results tallied by Congress, acting as the national board of canvassers, show that Estrada topped the third-placer, Sen. Manuel Villar Jr. (who polled 5,573,835), by almost four million votes, a result that underlines how much Villar lost ground in the last three weeks of the election campaign and graphically illustrates the extent of the collapse, or the rout, of the Villar campaign during that climactic period.

This analysis focuses on the results of the Estrada-Villar rivalry for second place because this perspective sheds light on why Estrada dramatically overtook Villar and pushed the latter behind to third place.

In the Social Weather Stations survey of Feb. 24-28, 2010, the race was a toss-up between Aquino and Villar, who were statistically tied at 36 percent and 34 percent, respectively, while Estrada polled 15 percent in voters’ preference. In the March 19-22 survey, Aquino pulled away from Villar, polling 37 percent to Villar’s 28 percent, while Estrada’s support increased to 19 percent, up four points from the February survey.

Aquino widened his lead over Villar to double digits three weeks before the election, increasing his lead from 9 points to 12 points in the April 16-19 survey. Aquino polled 38 percent against Villar’s 26 percent (down two points).

Since the start of the campaign, Villar and Estrada had set out on competing trajectories in their campaign strategies both aimed at mobilizing support of the numerous poor as their core constituencies. Both postured as champions of the masses. Villar presented himself as a model of “from rags to riches,” who made a fortune in real estate entrepreneurship, and Estrada went back to the mantra—that he is the champion of the downtrodden and the poor—that gave him a 39 percent plurality in the 1998 election. The two of them claimed the poor—the C-D-E social classes—as their natural constituency, with the result that they split this constituency.

These competing claims did more damage to Villar than to Estrada. Weakening support for Villar started to show in the March 19-22 survey of SWS. In that survey, there was a surge in support by the rich and middle class (A-B-C) for Aquino and a huge drop of support by this class for Villar while Villar’s pro-poor theme failed to win him significant support. SWS surveys from December 2009 to March 2010 showed that Aquino’s support among the Class D (masa) declined to 38 percent in March 2010 from 46 percent in December 2009. On the other hand, Villar garnered only 28 percent in December 2009, and 34 percent in February, 2010, but declined to 27 percent in the last week of March. Villar and Estrada continued to split the support of the poor, but Estrada’s support held and did not shift to Villar. In December 2009, Estrada had the support of 15 percent of the poor and their support rose to 28 percent. In the SWS March 19-22 survey, Aquino led in all classes, after overtaking Villar in class A-B-C. In that survey, in class D, while Aquino scored 38 percent, Villar and Estrada scored 27 percent and 18 percent, respectively. In class E, Aquino got 33 percent, while Villar had 31 percent, and Estrada 21 percent.

From these data, it may be seen that the support from the poor that was split by Villar and Estrada would have been larger than the support obtained by Aquino.

The rapid deterioration of Villar’s support and the momentum gained by Aquino in the last three weeks took place amid intensified and damaging attacks on Villar’s claim that he had origins in poverty in the slum district of Tondo, and his questionable real estate transactions, pushed aggressively by alleged influence peddling and interventions as a member of Congress. These attacks mounted by Estrada and Senate President Juan Ponce Enrile undoubtedly damaged Villar’s campaign and his claim as a champion of the poor. In the light of these allegations, the poor were torn by two claimants of their support. Increasingly Villar’s themes and claims became hollow and less credible.

Nielsen’s report showed Villar out-spending all of his presidential rivals, most of which expenses went to advertising and publicity on radio, TV and other media. In the light of the actual election results, in which Villar was overwhelmed by Aquino and, worse, by Estrada, Villar was found to have no core constituency, which an ample campaign chest didn’t provide.

In the results reported during the first day after the elections, with more than 50 percent counted, Villar and Estrada were shown to repeat the split scenario. They had about 20 percent each, which combined were about equal to Aquino’s 40 percent. Towards the end of the count, the poor eventually showed that they considered Estrada as their authentic champion more than Villar. The poor expressed their judgment that Villar was a false messiah for their class.

In the final results canvassed by Congress, the combined votes of Villar and Estrada add up to 15 million, the same number of votes obtained by Aquino. This prompted Estrada to claim that if Aquino had not run for president, he would have been president again. He could have bested Villar. But the imponderables of history intervened at the right moment to trump wishful thinking and fantasies.

[goldencoil]

akala ko naliligo lang sya sa dagat ng basura sa sama ng loob. Hehe.